White-collar offenders face unique challenges after prison (Bogdan Vija/Shutterstock)
In a nutshell
- Middle-class ex-offenders, especially those convicted of white-collar crimes, often avoid the usual reentry hurdles like housing and employment—but face intense anxiety about social stigma and being “Googled.”
- Despite strong family ties and quick job placements, many white-collar offenders report panic attacks, therapy needs, and fear of public exposure that their lower-income counterparts don’t typically mention.
- Reentry support isn’t one-size-fits-all: while traditional programs focus on jobs and housing, this study suggests middle-class offenders may need mental health resources and tools to manage reputation-related stress.
BOCA RATON, Fla. — The path from prison back to society looks dramatically different depending on your social class. A new study comparing white-collar and traditional offenders finds that while middle-class offenders typically secure jobs and housing after release, they struggle with social anxiety their counterparts rarely mention. The reason? Their fear of being “Googled” and having their criminal past exposed.
Researchers from Florida Atlantic University and the University of Cincinnati interviewed 27 people under federal supervision, including 21 white-collar offenders and 6 non-white-collar offenders. Their findings, published in Justice Quarterly shed new light on how social class affects life after incarceration. As incarceration rates for tax violations, fraud, and other white-collar crimes continue to rise, understanding these reentry experiences becomes increasingly relevant for improving criminal justice outcomes.
“White-collar incarceration rates have changed dramatically since the passage of the United States Sentencing Guidelines in 1984. More white-collar offenders are serving prison sentences and returning to a society vastly different from the 1980s,” says study author Diana Sun, Ph.D., from Florida Atlantic University, in a statement.
Fast Recovery, Hidden Struggles
The study focused on 27 people under federal supervision in a Midwest metropolitan area. Of these, 21 had committed white-collar offenses like fraud and embezzlement, while six had committed other federal crimes like drug offenses. This comparison allowed researchers to explore how social class influences reentry challenges.
The federally supervised white-collar offenders in the study displayed what researchers call “resiliency” in practical matters. They secured employment rapidly—18 of 21 white-collar participants found jobs within their first month after release, often through churches, community organizations, or personal contacts. Many returned to middle-class professions despite their convictions.
One participant called Arthur (a pseudonym), who had previously owned a business, described having a job waiting after his prison sentence: “I had a job. I didn’t have to go through the whole process of trying to get my license and trying to get my social security card, and trying to find a job, and trying to find insurance. I mean, I had all that stuff. I wasn’t in long enough to lose it all.”
Arthur eventually found work as a handyman through his local church after release. Though this job was a step down from his former career, Arthur recognized his advantage compared to others who “lost everything” after prison.
By contrast, non-white-collar offenders in the study worked primarily in lower-status positions like restaurant cook or sales associate, often relying on halfway houses to connect them with employment opportunities.
White-collar offenders also maintained better family relationships. Many reported that bonds with family members, especially children, actually improved after release. One participant, Charles, described his relationship with his daughters as improving “200%” once he was home.
The Google Effect: When Your Past Is Just a Search Away
Despite easing back into society in some areas, white-collar offenders described unique psychological challenges. According to the researchers, these individuals experienced significant anxiety, fear, and stress in social situations, especially when meeting strangers or entering new environments.
“My record is always stigma. You know, Google’s a terrible but a great tool. You can find anything about anyone these days on Google,” says one participant named Nolan.
One white-collar offender named Nolan recounted how a coworker discovered his criminal history and shared it with clients: “One of the employees actually went on Facebook and social media and also faxed and emailed current clients of our companies to tell them that our company had hired a convicted felon and that they should be careful.” When asked how this made him feel, he replied simply, “I was mortified.”
The researchers noted that this constant possibility of exposure creates what they call “anticipated stigma, “the fear of rejection once others discover your past.
Some participants described experiencing panic attacks before social gatherings. Others would strategically exit rooms to avoid meeting new people. Six participants sought mental health treatment specifically to manage social anxiety, with some using anti-anxiety medication to help them readjust to daily life.
One participant named Theodore who had been released in 2013 described how his paranoia about being “Googled” slowly diminished over time. At a recent business event, he noted: “You know, since I’ve been released since September 2013, so we are going on 4.5 fast-approaching 5 years… I sort of walked into those situations and have a paranoia that I had for a period of time. So, it was overall, selfishly nice to be able to not wonder what other people are thinking.”
By contrast, the non-white-collar offenders, mostly from lower socioeconomic backgrounds, expressed little worry about internet searches exposing their criminal histories. Their primary concerns focused on finding jobs, securing housing, and avoiding neighborhoods with negative influences.
Race, Class, and Different Roads to Recovery
The study also reveals how race intersects with social class to shape reentry experiences. African American participants noted they faced double stigmatization—being both Black and having a criminal record. As one participant named Samuel explained: “You pay the price. I can’t really sit there and say, ‘Oh you know I was a poor inner-city black kid selling dope.’ I just didn’t make the right choice, it’s not your typical story.”
African American participants believed the public doesn’t differentiate between types of crimes when judging Black offenders—whether the offense involved violence or sophisticated financial fraud, they expected to be viewed with the same suspicion.
Despite these social challenges, many white-collar participants found their family relationships surprisingly improved after incarceration. One woman named Melanie who had missed her daughter’s prom while imprisoned was prepared for resentment but instead discovered support: “I have asked… have had that conversation with my kids and they were like ‘well no, we’re not mad.’ You know, because you as a mother, you feel like kids are gonna hate me for this.”
While traditional rehabilitation programs focus on helping former inmates secure employment and housing, these programs may not address the psychological challenges faced by middle-class offenders. White-collar offenders might benefit less from traditional job assistance and more from psychological support addressing social anxiety and stigma management.
Prison cells may look the same for everyone, but the journey back to society varies dramatically depending not just on a person’s background, but the crime they committed.
Points of Contention
When interpreting the findings of Sun and Benson’s research on white-collar offenders and reentry experiences, readers should consider these important limitations:
Sample Size Limitations The study included only 27 participants (21 white-collar and 6 non-white-collar offenders), making it difficult to generalize findings to broader populations. The comparison group of non-white-collar offenders was particularly small.
Selection Bias Participants were recruited voluntarily through a probation office, potentially skewing results toward those who were more willing to discuss their experiences or who had more positive reentry outcomes.
Definitional Questions Using “white-collar crime” as a proxy for social class is imperfect. Some individuals who commit these crimes may not be middle-class, while the study’s definition was based on offense type rather than offenders’ actual socioeconomic status.
Risk Level Confounding White-collar offenders typically receive lower risk classifications than other offenders. The differences observed might reflect risk level variations rather than purely social class effects.
Gender Representation While the study included both male and female white-collar offenders, there were no female participants in the non-white-collar comparison group, limiting gender-based comparisons across offender types.
COVID-19 Impact Data collection was interrupted by the pandemic, which may have introduced unique stressors for participants and affected their reentry experiences in ways not typical of normal conditions.
Incarceration Facility Variations The researchers couldn’t control for the security level of prisons where participants served their sentences, which could significantly impact post-release adjustment.
Sentence Length Variations Differences in sentence length between participants weren’t fully accounted for in the analysis, though longer separations from society likely affect reentry experiences differently than shorter ones.
These limitations don’t invalidate the study’s findings but suggest caution in interpreting them and highlight the need for more extensive research on how social class intersects with reentry experiences.
Paper Summary
Methodology
The researchers used in-depth interviews with people under federal supervision in a Midwestern city. White-collar offenses were defined as financial crimes committed through non-physical means like deceit (fraud, embezzlement, tax evasion). Participants first completed questionnaires about their experiences, followed by detailed interviews. The researchers analyzed these conversations to identify patterns in how participants adjusted to life after prison.
Results
Most white-collar participants (18 out of 21) found jobs quickly after release through personal connections. They typically maintained stronger family relationships than non-white-collar offenders. However, all white-collar participants reported anxiety in social situations, particularly when meeting new people, with six seeking mental health treatment. Non-white-collar participants struggled more with employment and housing but expressed less concern about online discovery of their criminal records.
Limitations
The study included only 27 participants (21 white-collar and 6 non-white-collar offenders), so findings can’t be applied to all former inmates. The researchers couldn’t control for different prison security levels or sentence lengths. The non-white-collar group had a higher proportion of African American participants, so some findings might reflect racial differences rather than just class differences. Three participants never served prison time, receiving only probation or home confinement.
Discussion and Takeaways
The research suggests that while middle-class backgrounds help white-collar offenders secure jobs and housing, these same backgrounds make them more vulnerable to stigma-related anxiety. Traditional reentry programs may not address these psychological challenges. The findings also highlight how technology has transformed reentry, with online records making criminal histories permanently accessible and complicating efforts to rebuild lives after incarceration.
Funding and Disclosures
The authors reported no competing interests or external funding sources for this research.
Publication Information
The study, “Resiliency in Reentry, Sensitivity in Strangers: An Examination of White-Collar Offenders and Their Reentry Process,” was authored by Diana Sun (Florida Atlantic University) and Michael L. Benson (University of Cincinnati) and published in Justice Quarterly on February 22, 2025.
